Since the transfer of power to a quasi-civilian government in 2011, the commercial capital of Yangon has seen many changes. Skyscrapers did not exist, except the 20-storey Sakura Tower in the downtown area. A decade later, the city is now dotted with many taller and larger buildings, all competing for the grandest views of Shwedagon Pagoda. The liberalisation of the automobile market initiated under U Thein Sein’s government has led to severe traffic congestion, and road enlargements soon ate into former sidewalks. More car parks have been built in the last decade than public parks.
Managing Yangon’s urban growth has not been easy. Under the outgoing chief minister, two main projects stand out: the consolidation of private bus lines under the Yangon Bus System, in the form of a public-private partnership, and the New Yangon Development City project. Both are signature projects of the National League for Democracy-appointed U Phyo Min Thein. A long list of other billion-dollar, public-private partnership projects, such as the Amata new city project, the Yangon Urban MRT, and a new airport, have also been approved that will inevitably change the city’s landscape.
Yangon’s megaprojects frequently top the media headlines and have come under fire for what observers and investors see as opaque public procurement processes and poor governance. The YBS scheme started with a hefty price tag of over US$100 million for the purchase of 2000 buses from China via known businessmen with ties to the former ruling junta, decided without any public tenders. Financial discrepancies over unpaid loans later emerged and became scandalised lawsuits. The $1.6-billion “New City” proposal got caught in a similar controversy, especially for its treatment of local farmers and long-term environmental concerns. The reputation of the Chinese state firm involved has been called into question internationally.
Despite the grand ambitions of these initiatives, a clear policy and governance structure on which to base the city’s development has been absent from the conversation on the city’s future. Yangon’s leaders seem to struggle in deciding which direction the city should head, despite the best efforts of observers and development partners to promote sustainability and long-term planning. Such thinking would have prompted a clearer policy decision. If U Phyo Min Thein’s intention was to promote public transportation with YBS, then why are automobile imports still allowed, a move that further exacerbates traffic congestion?
The lack of a strategic policy means it is difficult to assess which targets should be prioritised, and above all who is responsible. In an article for the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs published this year, I dove into the complexities of financing and managing megaprojects here. Over the past five years, it is evident that the city has been in dire need of a managerial redirection. Otherwise, Yangon would only repeat the kinds of financial scandals and shortcomings that have hindered its growth potential so far. With the elections approaching, it is well worth remembering that this city’s future, in many ways, shapes that of the entire country.
Over the next few weeks until November 8, candidates will focus on winning their seats. It will be up to the lawmakers representing Yangon to determine and reform the city’s future. Voters should bear this in mind when they go to the ballot box.
Alex Aung Khant is executive director at Urbanize, a policy institute for urban and regional planning. He is a trained urban planner and holds a master’s degree in Urban Planning and Public Policy from Sciences Po Paris.
www.mmtimes.com/news/yangon-and-2020-elections-strategic-planning-myanmars-commercial-capital.html
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